Wednesday, February 13, 2013

Iranian Paradox

 
Zafaraniyeh (main street: Shahid Sarlashkar Fallahi) is a neighbourhood in the north of Tehran, Iran. The name's origin lies in the fact that it was the residence of many saffron traders long ago, thus the name Zafaraniyeh. The Islamic Azad... University of Tehran, Languages branch is located at the beginning of Zafaraniyeh that teaches English, German, French, Spanish, and other foreign languages. The museum of Sa'dabad Palace is situated at the end of this street, which also contains a culture house. There are plans to build a shopping center in Asef crossroad. The Moghaddas Ardebili Street connects Zafaraniyeh to Velenjak from east and to Valiasr Street from west. Egypt's embassadorial residence is also located there. There is also a synagogue in this neighbourhood. Zafaraniyeh is classed as being one of the best areas of Tehran, with many rich Iranians and non-Iranians living here. The area has many millionaires and many of the residents also live abroad. The area consists of nearly all apartment blocks with only a few houses. It is near the longest city road in Asia called Vali-asr Street. This area of Vali-asr street has many foreign boutiques which is the only area in Iran that has shops such as Gucci, Rolex and Armani boutiques
 
Poverty In Tehran
 
 Child labour in Metro
 
 
 
Early in March 2012 the Iranian regime set the monthly minimum wage for workers' families in the current Iranian year (20 March 2012-20 March 2013) at 389,754 tomans (€261).
This represents an 18% increase on last year's minimum wage and at first might seem generous. Yet the regime's own phoney 'labour' organisations have recommended that the minimum wage should rise by 40%. This is because some government agencies have set the severe poverty line for a family of four at 820,000 tomans (€549). So the new minimum wage has been set at less than half the severe poverty line!
Although official inflation in Iran is supposed to be 21% the true rate is said to be about double that. Since the government began reducing and phasing out subsidies many prices have shot up massively. For example, the price of utilities like electricity, water, and natural gas has tripled! To supposedly off-set this, the government has – so far - been paying a $38 monthly cash handout.
This year the regime will be implementing the second stage of its subsidy-cutting policy. There are now rumours that 29 million people will be struck off the cash handout recipients' list!
The obscene anti-working class policies of this regime know no limits.
Iranian Workers’ Solidarity Network

Socioeconomic order between 1946 and 1979.

 Under the shah, thanks to considerable outlays allocated to education and health, great strides were made in improving social welfare. Infant mortality, malnutrition, endemic diseases, and illiteracy were greatly reduced. Caloric intake, life expectancy, and school enrollment were all markedly increased. While rural-income gaps and income inequalities within the respective areas did not narrow, indicators showed that absolute poverty was reduced. Although elementary school enrollment during the 1970s quadrupled to more than 9 million, this was achieved in many cases only by running students through in 3 shifts and having teachers in the classroom 60 to 80 hours a week. About 90 percent of high school graduates were denied admission to college because of inadequate facilities. About 20 percent of Iran's institutions of higher education had no library facilities, nor were they likely to obtain them because, while the state budget set aside 5 percent for sports, it did not have any reserves for books and libraries.
It was thought and hoped that the new regime would remedy these faults.

 The Islamic government declared a policy of improving the lot of the poor for whom, after all, the revolution itself had been launched, but there has been little evidence of success. Nominal wages and salaries lagged behind inflation throughout the 1980s, which according to one Majlis deputy left more than 90 percent of public servants below the poverty line. According to the official line, the poor were better off after, rather than before, the revolution. This was undoubtedly true for certain groups of people who have been especially well positioned within the regime, such as members of the Revolutionary Guards, many families of the war dead, some among the subsidized urban proletariat, and others from extremely low-income households. It does not hold true, however, for the majority of the population. In 1972, some 44 percent of the population were living below the subsistence poverty line. During the 1979-85 period, absolute poverty increased by 40 percent; some reports indicated that absolute poverty had spread among as many as 65-75 percent of the population in 1988. According to the IMF, 53 percent of Iranians still live below the poverty line.
Health conditions outside major cities are poor. Many small towns and rural areas suffer from unsanitary conditions and a shortage of medical personnel and facilities. The infant mortality rate remains a serious problem; it is very high by world and Middle Eastern standards, although it has been reduced significantly (26 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1998, down from 91.6 during 1980-85 and 50 during 1991-95). Although primary education is compulsory for 5 years, many rural children never attend school because of either parental objection or a lack of facilities. The secondary-school system in Iran is relatively underdeveloped, and it serves for the most part to prepare small numbers of students for university-level education. In order to improve the situation for the poorest segments of Iranian society, the government is considering an anti-poverty program comprising expanded provision of food, clothing, health care, education, social security, and bank credits to these people.


 

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